“Emergency” was a Dark Period for the People. Equating it with Hindutva Fascism Leads to Whitewashing the Latter! – P J Jame

The Internal Emergency proposed by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi following the Allahabad High Court verdict against her was agreed upon by the then President of India with effect from 25 June 1975 which was ratified by the Cabinet and the Parliament during July-August 1975. Till its withdrawal on 21 March 1977, Indira together with her ‘coterie’ ruled by decree, converting India into a police state imposing inhuman repression including widespread “encounter deaths” and imprisonment of communist revolutionaries, putting communist revolutionaries, political opponents and journalists in jail, suspending civil and fundamental rights, and imposing censorship on media. Obviously, Emergency declaration was Indira Gandhi’s last resort to continue exercising full executive powers as Prime Minister. Today when we remember the 49th anniversary of Emergency declaration, all democratic forces have to come forward resolutely condemning it.

However, unlike today’s Hindutva fascism, during Emergency, no effort was there to fundamentally alter the basic character and structure of the Constitution and its democratic provisions including those pertaining to citizenship, fundamental rights, caste-based reservation or transforming it in to a majoritarian theocratic one. The Constitutional provisions were suspended, or kept in abeyance but not annulled. It was in view of the loosening grip of the Indira regime over the vast Indian society and on account of the lack of popular and societal support, that the Emergency of almost two years was withdrawn on March 1977, followed by declaration of General Election leading to the rout of the ruling Congress.

Revealingly, since his ascendance to power at the Centre, Modi has been very particular to vehemently attack Emergency on all occasions. For instance, in a 2015 speech, he interpreted Emergency as “an attempt at concentrating power in the hands of one family”. On 25 June 2017, Modi characterised it as “dark period” when country became a “virtual prison”. On 26 June 2018, on the 43rd anniversary of imposition of Emergency, Modi today said: “Emergency is a black spot on the golden history of the nation. Observing black day today is not just to criticise the Congress for its sin of imposing Emergency but also to create an awareness for protection of Constitution and democracy.” On 25 June 2021 he tweeted: “Dark Days of Emergency can never be forgotten. The period from 1975 to 1977 witnessed a systematic destruction of institutions.”

Again, addressing the 102nd episode of the monthly radio show Mann Ki Baat on June 18, 2023, on the eve of his US visit, Modi said: “India is the mother of democracy. We consider our democratic ideals as paramount, we consider our Constitution as Supreme… therefore, we can never forget June the 25th. This is the very day when Emergency was imposed on our country. It was a dark period in the history of India. Lakhs of people opposed the emergency with full might. Many books have been written on these atrocities; the punishment meted out by the police and administration. The supporters of democracy were tortured so much during that time that even today, their mind shudders.” And, after facing a severe blow in the 18th Lok Sabha Election and losing majority for BJP, on 24 June 2024, addressing the media at the Parliament House complex on the first day of the first session of the 18th Lok Sabha, he further described Emergency as a “black spot” on India’s democracy when Constitution was discarded.

As is obvious, this consistent and no holds barred rhetoric against Emergency coupled with sermon on democracy and Constitution on the part of Modi and the entire RSS/BJP Parivar is a ploy cunningly used by them to consolidate their position in the madding pace towards the establishment of a fascist Hindu theocratic State despite facing reversals in the latest parliamentary election. As everybody knows, among other things, when India was adopting its Constitution, the RSS had no qualm in proposing Manusmriti, according to which Dalits and Women are subhuman, as India’s Constitution. Therefore, it is the solemn task of all democratic forces to expose this diversionary tactic used by RSS/BJP forces to whitewash the corporate-fascist offensives on broad masses of working and oppressed people and the horrors already committed on minorities, especially targeting the more than 20 crore Muslims in India. At the same time, it is also the task on the part of all democratic forces to clearly state that Emergency imposed by Indira Gandhi prompted by her desire to hold on to power was not fascism, since Indira’s authoritarian move conspicuously lacked the essential material and ideological prerequisites of fascism or neofascism.

For, while Emergency has its roots in the global and Indian transformations of the 1970s, being devoid of an ideological and political-economic backing, Indira had to withdraw her short-lived authoritarian regime. Hence equating today’s still-continuing Hindutva fascist regime with Emergency or stamping it with such labels as “undeclared Emergency” is merely academic and apolitical. Unlike Emergency, Hindutva fascism, though apparently weakened at the parliamentary level through setbacks in election, still has its firm hold over state power and street power. With its unholy nexus with the most corrupt corporate capital and roots in the entire administrative institutions and through a whole set of extra-parliamentary means, corporate-saffron fascism is still having its stranglehold over India’s polity, economy, culture, education, science research and even in history-writing.

At the same time, when we look back, it was the Emergency that enabled RSS’ sudden and dramatic shoot-up from relative obscurity to the political lime-light in the 1970s, in consonance with the dictum that fascists are very adept in transforming crises in to opportunities. Being banned three times, it was it’s so called ‘laudable action’ during the Emergency that created the favourable situation for RSS to enter into mainstream politics from its relative obscurity till then. In that sense, while Emergency was a ”dark period” for the people, the same was a godsend opportunity for RSS. For taking advantage of the ideological-political weakness of parliamentary Indian Left including both CPI and CPI(M), who had a ‘soft’ approach towards Emergency on the one hand, and the anarchic and sectarian approach of the then non-parliamentary Left, it was very convenient for the far-right and pro-US RSS to carry on its anti-Emergency campaign with the support of Western media.

Further, RSS’ repeated denunciation of Emergency and boasting of the sacrifices on its part are mainly intended for public consumption and hoodwinking the people. During Emergency, the leaders of both RSS and Jan Sangh were grovelling before the Congress to win reprieves from jail terms and have the ban lifted on their organisation. As noted by the renowned writer, AG Noorani, the RSS Chief Balasaheb Deoras, based on his correspondence with Indira Gandhi, had convinced RSS cadres to sign a standard form prepared by Indira regime that included the promise: “I shall not indulge in any activities which are prejudicial to the present emergency.” Following this, large number of RSS cadres came out of jails submitting mercy petitions (mafinamas). This unholy relation with RSS became more explicit after Indira’s return to power in 1980 and her tilt towards US, seeking a huge Extended Fund Facility loan based on stringent far-right, market-friendly conditionalities from IMF, the neocolonial-neocolonial arm of US.

It was during this period that RSS transformed Jan Sangh in to BJP and floated it as it’s political tool, effectively taking advantage of the facilitating role of Congress’ ‘soft Hindutva’ that the latter started openly pursuing since Indira’s come back to power in 1980. The post-Emergency period unravels the long drawn-out, steady and systematic trajectory of RSS leading the Sangh Parivar with BJP as its political tool along with hundreds of secret and open organisations thereby widening and deepening its tentacles across space and time. As such, with its far-right neoliberal economic orientation and unwavering servility to US that leads the Western imperialist camp, today RSS has grown into the largest fascist organisation in the world having many overseas saffron extensions and affiliates with immense corporate-backing.

To be precise, the Ram Janmabhoomi movement and ‘Liberation of Ayodhya’ campaign by Dharam Sansad that started immediately after assassination of Indira Gandhi in 1984, performance of shilanyas at the very site of Babri Masjid under the regime of Rajiv Gandhi, BJP’s 1989 Palampur Resolution for Ram mandir, demolition of Babri Masjid in 1992, Vajpayee-led BJP regime in late 1990s, Gujarat Pogrom in 2002, and ascendancy of Modi.1 and Modi.2 respectively in 2014 and 2019 and again a third term though without a majority mark for BJP in 2024, are decisive landmarks towards the goal of a majoritarian Hindurashtra. And as part of this, as reflected in Modi’s election campaign, stigmatisation of Muslims and spreading hatred towards them are inherent components of this Hinduva majoritarian consolidation.

In spite of the electoral reverses, as manifested in the recent lynching of three Muslim youth in Chhattisgarh, assaults and street attacks by Hindutva goons, including the ‘prairie fire’ in Manipur are continuing without any let up. Right from the start of Modi’s first term in 2014, Muslims have been systematically targeted according to the diktats of ‘Bunch of Thoughts’ that described Muslims as Enemy No. 1. Even during his election campaign, keeping the Election Commission as an executive arm, Modi went for an unprecedented insult and humiliation calling Muslims as “infiltrators” and threat to Hindus while the process of categorising them as second class citizens and thereby disenfranchising them through CAA, etc., are still in vogue in fascist circles. No ruling regime in India’s history, including the British even after the First War of Indian Independence, has ever surpassed the criminality unleashed on Muslims by the BJP governments, both at the centre and states. Meanwhile, as the most corrupt corporate billionaires are left scot-free, targeting of liberal intellectuals and journalists and unleashing of investigative agencies against opposition leaders are still continuing.

Since these details are already in public domain, this note is not intended to repeat them again. However, when we discuss about the Emergency of half-a-century back, and while resolutely condemning it, we should also be cautious of the depoliticising associated with equating Emergency with RSS fascism or even labelling the latter as “undeclared emergency”- a theme prevalent not only among intellectuals and liberals but also among a wide spectrum of self-professed Left today. This will lead to a diluted understanding of the pernicious and horrific designs of neofascism in India and a weakening of the resolute political interventions for challenging and overthrowing it. Modi’s own consistent and repeated characterisation of Emergency as “dark period” is with the malicious intention of diverting people’s attention from the horrific fascist menace that Indian people are confronting now. This diversionary tactic, backed by Godi media and a whole set of apologists of fascism is also part of fascist propaganda blitzkrieg to camouflage the origin, development and transformation of Hindutva fascism which is now in its madding pace towards the ultimate goal of establishing a Hindurashtra serving the interests of a tiny corporate-Brahmanic elite. Therefore, clarity on the concrete working of Indian fascism in the broader global neofascist context is indispensable on the part of all anti-fascist democratic forces today.