Suba. Manoharan

The Russian Revolution of 1917 is one of the most important turning points in world history. It overthrew a feudal, monarchical empire and created the world’s first socialist state. More than a century has passed since the revolution. Even so, in the global political, economic and social conditions of the 21st century today, the lessons of the Russian Revolution and their relevance remain alive.

“Those ten days that shook the world” have retained within themselves the power to shake the world again and again in the many, many years that followed. They remain a guide for creating a new world.

“Peace, Land and Bread”

These three simple slogans put forward by Lenin rallied the entire Russian people under the Red Army and carried the revolution through to victory. Even as the endless slaughter of war continued, the revolutionary Lenin stood in the forefront with still greater determination and devotion to principle, and led the revolution to victory.

The right-wing intellectuals who dismiss the Russian Revolution as having “failed” have no answer for the poverty, wars and climate-change disasters that remain as the hallmarks of modern capitalism. The world sees that 21st-century capitalism today is the brutal system described so clearly in the writings of Marx. For although there are sufficient resources to eradicate poverty and disease, what good have the power of technology, the creation of immense scientific discoveries and the growth of the medical field done for the people? At the centre of all these lies capitalism’s craving to maximise profit. Poverty has not been eradicated. The number of starvation deaths is rising. On the whole, the very concept of “capitalist democracy” stands shattered today.

In various countries of Europe, massive struggles are taking place against the rising cost of living, the deterioration of education, and the shortfalls in pension rights and public services, with lakhs of people taking part, led especially by the younger generation and students.

Across the world, and especially in the countries of Latin America, heroic struggles against subjugation to America, neo-colonialism and imperialism have been going on for many years. Those peoples have written a new history with their blood. The people’s determined struggles and sacrifices continue.

After the right-wing Trump took office as President for the second time, the brutality of American imperialism has grown even worse.

In America too, huge protests such as “Hands Off” and “No Kings” took place against Trump. Protests erupted against price rise and economic crises, immigration policies, the curtailment of democratic rights and the expansion of presidential power.

It is noteworthy that these protests were also held against America’s backing of Israel, its waging of war on Iran, and the human rights violations it is committing across the world. As a result, today we are able to see a major change in the American midterm elections.

In India too, the young generation, students, Communists and democratic movements are waging heroic struggles against the fascist RSS-BJP regime. The country saw the Cockroach Janata Party bring down Modi’s arrogance by forcing the removal of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan. Struggles are now continuing against the vote theft being carried out through the law called “SIR” — the Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls. The young generation, standing unafraid of the Modi government’s repression, is striking fear into the fascist BJP.

Across the world, struggles for democracy and for justice take place in their hundreds every day. They show that the people have understood that capitalism has not delivered, and that it can be challenged ever. We are at a historic moment in which the Left can powerfully carry forward the message that the answer to capitalism, the alternative to capitalism, is socialism — is the Communist parties.

In short, the Russian Revolution is not merely a matter of past history. It places the failings of capitalism before the people. It has made people realise that capitalism cannot put an end to poverty, hunger, unemployment and wars. In its very early period, the Russian Revolution put into practice democratic rights that no capitalism has implemented to this day. The Soviet state granted equal rights to minority nationalities and to women. Voting rights for women, the right to divorce, and equality in employment were taken forward in Soviet Russia at the very initial stage. “In the land of the Soviets, every woman cooking in kitchen must be able to govern the state,” said Lenin. The Russian Revolution is historical proof of how important the participation of women and the right of self-determination of oppressed minorities are to the liberation of society as a whole.

Revolutions do not happen according to guidebooks.

What happened in Russia on a November night a century ago, or in the Chinese Red Revolution, will not happen in the same pattern in India, America, Europe or the countries of Latin America. But revolution will certainly take place according to the specific character of each country.

And the experiences of the world’s first socialist country are a vast treasure-house. Socialist and Communist parties across the world must learn clear lessons from revolutions, and from the rights and wrongs and the faltering of the socialist states that were formed after them.

On 7 November, the day of the Russian Revolution, let us hold the great genius Lenin in our hearts. Let us remember the sacrifices of the lakhs of Bolsheviks, workers, peasants, women and all oppressed people who gave their lives in the battle for socialism and dedicated their lives to the struggle to establish socialism. Let us pay them Red Salute.

With revolutionary greetings,
Comrade Suba. Manoharan
State Secretary, Tamil Nadu
CPI (ML) Red Star

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PRESS RELEASE

The Morcha asks: Will the imposition of UCC in Chhattisgarh ensure equal education, equal healthcare and equal employment opportunities for all?

Raipur | 11 November 2026

Jan Sangharsh Morcha Chhattisgarh has strongly condemned the BJP government’s move to impose the Uniform Civil Code (UCC) in Chhattisgarh, following the pattern of Uttarakhand, Assam, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh. The Morcha has described this initiative as grossly unconstitutional and anti-people, and as particularly hostile to minorities, especially Muslims, Adivasis, women, LGBTQ+ communities and other marginalised sections of society. It has demanded the immediate withdrawal of this initiative.

In this connection, a letter has been submitted to the five-member committee constituted by the Chhattisgarh government in June 2026 to prepare a draft Uniform Civil Code for the state, following the Cabinet decision of 15 April 2026.

In a statement, Jan Sangharsh Morcha Chhattisgarh said that it vehemently opposes the manner in which UCC Bills have been passed in BJP-ruled states such as Uttarakhand, Gujarat and Assam, all governed by the BJP’s so-called ‘double-engine’ governments. Union Home Minister Amit Shah has also declared in Uttar Pradesh that the BJP will form the government for a third consecutive term in 2027 and implement the UCC there.

The BJP has projected the UCC in every state as a measure to promote gender equality, social reform and development. However, both the processes through which these laws have been introduced and their actual provisions appear to move in precisely the opposite direction.

We consider these laws fundamentally opposed to the Constitution of India and thoroughly anti-people. Moreover, the BJP’s desperation to introduce the UCC under the ideological guidance of a fascist organisation like the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) exposes its fundamentally anti-Muslim, anti-Adivasi and anti-minority character. It also reveals its hostility towards people entering inter-caste and inter-religious marriages, those living in consensual live-in relationships, and marginalised communities such as LGBTQ+ people.

The UCC has been drafted without the participation of the very people who will be subjected to it. Instead of delivering the promised equality, these laws impose additional burdens, surveillance and risks on citizens, particularly women, minorities and marginalised communities.

In our assessment, these laws directly and indirectly violate the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution of India, particularly the rights to life, personal liberty, privacy and freedom of religious practice.

Directly, compulsory registration, scrutiny of private relationships, sharing personal information with the police and penalties for non-registration restrict the right to personal liberty, privacy and the freedom to choose one’s life partner, protected under Article 21. They also have unequal and disproportionate consequences for different sections of society, raising serious concerns under Article 14.

Indirectly, these laws replace the personal laws and customary practices through which different communities regulate marriage, divorce and inheritance with a single state-controlled system. At the same time, they assign religious leaders and community heads a role in the verification process. This affects the freedom of religion guaranteed under Article 25, the right of religious denominations to manage their own affairs under Article 26, and the right of communities to conserve their distinct culture under Article 29.

The exclusion of Scheduled Tribes from the UCC in Uttarakhand and Assam itself acknowledges the constitutional significance of customary practices and religious observances. The same constitutional consideration must be extended to other communities as well.

The undemocratic process behind the UCC

In Assam, the Bill was introduced on Monday and passed by Wednesday of the same week. The Speaker rejected the Opposition’s demand that it be referred to a Select Committee for detailed examination.

In Gujarat, no complete draft was ever placed before the public. The Bill was directly introduced in the Legislative Assembly and passed.

In Uttarakhand, the Code was passed within a few days of its introduction. Its implementing rules had to be amended four times in less than ten months.

Reforms concerning personal laws, introduced through such undemocratic and hurried processes, cannot legitimately claim public consent or democratic participation.

Gender inequality and discrimination under the UCC

Both the Uttarakhand rules and the Assam Bill prescribe different minimum marriage ages for men and women: 21 years for men and 18 years for women.

The existing rights of wives in polygamous marriages are not clearly protected under the Uttarakhand framework. According to published analyses, the Uttarakhand Code abolishes the coparcenary system through which daughters had acquired birthright in ancestral property. Gujarat’s Bill, meanwhile, introduces no substantial measures towards advancing gender justice.

These Codes are therefore ‘uniform’ only in name.

Scheduled Tribes are excluded in Uttarakhand and Assam, while substantial customary exemptions continue to remain in place. Yet other communities are subjected to the full burden of registration requirements.

The Uttarakhand rules even retain provisions for registering existing polygamous marriages, including forms that accommodate up to four wives.

The bulk of the administrative machinery created by these laws is devoted to registration, fees, penalties and scrutiny of private relationships. Gujarat’s Bill, in essence, lays down bureaucratic procedures for registering marriages, divorces and live-in relationships.

What is conspicuously missing is any meaningful focus on measures that could actually improve women’s lives, such as access to family courts, legal aid and effective enforcement of maintenance rights.

1. Uttarakhand: Uniform Civil Code, 2024 and Rules, 2025

Registration of existing marriages and penalties

Marriages solemnised before the enactment of the Code were required to be registered within six months. Delayed registration attracts late fees, while intentional or negligent non-compliance may invite penalties prescribed through government notification.

Rejection of registration can leave spouses without legal proof of marriage

An existing marriage may be rejected for registration on grounds such as the absence of a recognised marriage ceremony, the spouses not having lived together since the marriage, or either party being in a live-in relationship.

Such rejection can leave the spouses without documentary proof of marriage for purposes of maintenance, inheritance and official records concerning their children.

Surveillance and police scrutiny of private relationships

Registrars are required to examine databases relating to existing marriages and live-in relationships and conduct discreet enquiries through their own sources. The rules do not clearly define the limits of these powers.

Declarations concerning live-in relationships are forwarded to the local police station. Under Section 32 of the Code, information about a possible offence must be communicated to the police.

Although a duty to maintain confidentiality was introduced through an amendment in November 2025, the rules do not specify any effective remedy in the event of a breach of privacy.

Where both partners fall within the category of prohibited relationships, a certificate from a religious leader or community head is required. Registrars may also seek verification from community heads.

This places couples who marry against the wishes of their families or communities, particularly inter-caste and inter-religious couples, at serious risk of harassment and interference.

Live-in relationships

Registration of live-in relationships is compulsory. Registration may be refused if either partner is already married or involved in another relationship.

Failure to comply with registration requirements may result in a notice, and deliberate non-compliance can lead to a complaint before a magistrate.

This is particularly disturbing because courts have already recognised the legality of consensual live-in relationships between adults.

Unprotected rights of wives and children in existing polygamous marriages

The rules do not clarify the rights of wives and children in existing polygamous marriages regarding maintenance, residence or inheritance.

Form 1 permits an individual to apply independently for registration only if they are divorced, widowed or their marriage has been annulled.

Consequently, a wife whose husband refuses to cooperate appears to have no independent route to register the marriage, even though the penalties are directed at those who fail to register.

Unequal marriageable age

Men below 21 years and women below 18 years are treated as being below the marriageable age.

Thus, a Code that claims to promote equality explicitly institutionalises gender-based differentiation in the minimum marriageable age.

Exclusion of same-sex and transgender partners

The prescribed forms refer exclusively to ‘husband and wife’ or ‘male and female’. Same-sex and transgender partnerships are consequently excluded from the framework.

A Code that is not uniform

Scheduled Tribes are excluded, making it clear that the Code does not apply uniformly to all residents.

Initially, Aadhaar numbers were mandatory in all registration forms. An amendment in November 2025 replaced this requirement with a broader list of acceptable identity documents.

This effectively acknowledges that insisting on a single identity document excludes people from accessing the registration system.

The fact that the framework underwent four amendments in less than ten months demonstrates that it was implemented before it was adequately prepared.

Inheritance rights

According to published analyses, the Code abolishes the distinction between coparcenary property and ancestral/self-acquired property.

This undermines the birthright of daughters in ancestral property recognised through the 2005 amendment to the Hindu Succession Act. It also opens the possibility of excluding daughters through wills.

2. Gujarat: Uniform Civil Code Bill

The draft was never placed before the public for consultation. Instead, the Bill was directly introduced and passed in the Legislative Assembly.

The Bill essentially reduces the UCC to a bureaucratic mechanism for registering marriages, divorces and live-in relationships. It substantially retains customary exemptions, while a significant portion of its text deals with inheritance.

The powers granted to Registrars to investigate violations of Section 4 are arbitrary and inadequately defined. These powers could be used against couples who marry or live together against the wishes of their families and communities, particularly inter-religious and inter-caste couples.

The retrospective application of stringent provisions places communities that solemnise marriages and regulate divorces through customary laws, and often possess limited documentary records, at serious risk.

Their existing marriages could be invalidated, while they may face harassment during the appeal process.

The scrutiny of live-in relationships by Registrars and the forwarding of personal details to the local police amount to an attempt to criminalise consensual live-in relationships and constitute a violation of the right to privacy.

The Bill also completely ignores transgender people and the wider LGBTQIA+ community.

3. Assam: Uniform Civil Code, Assam, 2026

The Bill was passed by a voice vote within the same week in which it was introduced. The Opposition had demanded extensive public consultation, but its demand to refer the Bill to a Select Committee was rejected.

The Bill prohibits polygamy and makes registration of live-in relationships compulsory. This raises the same serious concerns regarding privacy, surveillance and potential criminalisation that have emerged in the case of Uttarakhand.

It also prescribes different minimum marriage ages for men (21 years) and women (18 years), while excluding Scheduled Tribes from its ambit.

We are examining the original text of the Assam Bill clause by clause. The observations presented above are based on reports and published analyses of the Bill.

The real agenda behind the BJP-RSS’s UCC initiative

Like its initiatives in other BJP-ruled states, the move to introduce the Uniform Civil Code in Chhattisgarh is fundamentally driven by the Islamophobic ideology of the fascist RSS-BJP combine.

Islamophobia means deliberately creating fear, hatred and division by portraying Islam and Muslims as threats.

Under the pretext of uniformity, gender equality and social reform, the BJP-RSS is attempting to advance its divisive political agenda, undermine the constitutional rights of minorities and marginalised communities, and strengthen its authoritarian control over people’s private lives.

The Morcha therefore raises a fundamental question: If the BJP government is genuinely concerned about equality and social justice, why is it not ensuring equal access to education, healthcare, employment, social security and dignity for all? Why is it instead seeking to impose a UCC that threatens the constitutional rights and freedoms of vulnerable communities?

OUR DEMAND

Jan Sangharsh Morcha Chhattisgarh unequivocally rejects this grossly unconstitutional and anti-people initiative, which is particularly hostile to the Muslim community and other religious minorities, Adivasis, women, LGBTQ+ communities and other marginalised sections of society.

We demand that the RSS-BJP government’s move to impose the Uniform Civil Code in Chhattisgarh be immediately halted and withdrawn.

Down with the anti-people and divisive agenda of the RSS-BJP!

Defend the Constitution! Defend democratic rights and civil liberties!

Issued by:

Tuhin, Neera and Chouraram

On behalf of the Convening Committee

Jan Sangharsh Morcha Chhattisgarh

Contact: 9425560952, 7089356481, 7000229222

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The Great October Revolution on 7 November 1917 and establishment of Soviet Socialist Republic under Lenin’s leadership was one of the most strategic milestones for the International Communist Movement (ICM). Following October Revolution, under the initiative of Comintern (Communist International) formed in 1919, and later backed by the clarion call “Workers and Oppressed Peoples Unite” adopted at the Second Congress of Comintern in 1920, efforts were taken to form Communist parties comprising working and oppressed peoples across the world. Along with Socialist Revolution in imperialist countries, Peoples Democratic Revolution in dependent colonial and semi-colonial countries became two streams of World Revolution. Many advancements including Chinese Revolution also took place in the course of time.

However, under the neoliberal-neofascist global situation today, while imperialism/global corporate capital is inflicting the biggest-ever offensives on world people through wars and genocide as in Palestine, Iran, etc., the Communist Movement is facing many ideological-political setbacks. Due to this, though working and oppressed peoples in many parts of the world are rising up against imperialism and their lackeys, a political-organisational initiative on the part of revolutionary communists to lead them is lacking at a global level. This enables reformist parties and apologists of neoliberal corporate capital, having no political alternative to neoliberal corporatism, to come to power, taking advantage of the situation.

In this context, India, the most populous and one among the most oppressed and super-exploited countries, is under the stranglehold of fascism led by RSS, world’s largest and longest-running fascist organisation. As part of this, while majority of the people continues as poor, India is also home to world’s largest number of “absolute poor”. As part of RSS’ majoritarian Hindu Rashtra agenda, the religious minorities, especially Muslims, are targeted, stigmatised and wantonly attacked, and through SIR and other means, efforts are in full swing to disenfranchise and even deny citizenship right to them. Rather than the Constitution, the Courts have started following the Manusmriti, the ideological guideline of RSS that treats Dalits and women as subhuman. The minimum democratic rights enshrined in the Constitution are being taken away. Even the basic structure and character of the Constitution itself is undermined. And all Constitutional, judicial, legal and administrative institutions are saffronised. A typical instance is the Election Commission which has become a majoritarian tool under the fascist regime.

Thus, today when we commemorate October Revolution, the world, including India, is at a critical juncture where far-right neofascism propped up by globalised corporate-finance capital is having its grip over every aspect of social life. And, the Communists can play their role only if they are capable to concretely evaluate 21st century imperialism and fascism, both at a global level and in India. As such, while commemorating October Revolution, it is the task of Communists to have ideological clarity on neoliberal imperialism and fascism and develop political practice accordingly. Of course, compared to Lenin’s time, imperialism and finance capital have undergone many qualitative transformations in the 21st century. Same is the case with twenty-first century fascism or neo-fascism compared to classical fascism of the interwar period. Rather than pursuing a mechanical stereotyped or copy-paste approach, both neoliberal imperialism and neofascism need to be understood as extremely complex that require concrete analysis according to the concrete situation, a method pursued by Lenin in accomplishing October Revolution. And today, this is the crucial task before Communists while commemorating the Great October Revolution!

CPI (ML) Red Star

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A Heartfelt Tribute to a Revolutionary Comrade Who Dedicated His Life to the People’s Movement!

Date: 31-10-2026
Place: Hyderabad

Leaving an irreparable void in the revolutionary movement, Comrade Dasari Kumar Swamy, who was serving as the Secretary of the Peddapalli District Committee and a Member of the Telangana State Committee of CPI(ML) Red Star, passed away suddenly due to a heart attack. His untimely demise has plunged the Party, people’s movements, his family members and comrades into profound grief.

Comrade Kumar Swamy made revolutionary ideology the guiding principle of his life and worked with unwavering commitment towards the goal of people’s liberation. His life and dedication remain an inspiration to all Party cadres.

He served in the Mancherial District Committee until 2025 and assumed responsibility for the Peddapalli District in July 2025. From then onwards, he continuously worked to strengthen the Party organisation and expand political awareness among Party cadres and the people.

He played an active role in developing ideological understanding of the Party’s principles, preparing cadres for struggles on people’s issues and contributing to the advancement of the revolutionary movement. His dedicated discharge of Party responsibilities and his close association with the people will remain memorable forever.

He is survived by his wife, son and daughter. It is deeply heartbreaking that his journey, during which he shouldered both family responsibilities and revolutionary responsibilities, has come to an untimely end. His contributions to his family, the Party and the people’s movements will never be forgotten. The grief and loss suffered by his family are immeasurable.

In this hour of profound sorrow, the entire Party conveys its deepest condolences and heartfelt sympathies to his bereaved family.

Although Comrade Kumar Swamy is no longer physically among us, his revolutionary ideals, his commitment to the people and his dedicated contributions to the Party will continue to inspire us. Carrying forward his ideals, strengthening struggles on people’s issues and working towards building a society free from exploitation, oppression and inequality will be the true tribute we can pay to him.

REVOLUTIONARY SALUTES TO COMRADE DASARI KUMAR SWAMY!

Your Sacrifice, Commitment and Services Will Remain Everlasting!

With tears in our eyes —

We raise our clenched red fists!

LONG LIVE MARXISM–LENINISM–MAO’S THOUGHT!

SALUTATIONS TO THE MARTYRS!

LONG LIVE THE RED FLAG!

LONG LIVE THE PEOPLE’S REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT!

CPI(ML) RED STAR
TELANGANA STATE COMMITTEE

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Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Red Star, Uttar Pradesh
PRESS RELEASE

Union Home Minister Amit Shah’s declaration from the soil of Uttar Pradesh that “if the BJP forms the government in 2027 for the third time, we will implement the Uniform Civil Code (UCC)” is not merely an election promise. It is an advance warning of an attack on Uttar Pradesh’s Ganga-Jamuni tehzeeb (syncretic cultural tradition), the federal structure of the country, and the lives and livelihoods of workers, peasants and the poor.

Amit Shah’s statement is extremely dangerous. On what basis does he claim that the BJP will form the government in Uttar Pradesh for a third time?

Amit Shah must explain how the BJP expects to return to power. Will it be on the strength of paper leaks, unemployment, inflation, corruption and plunder? Or does he expect to win on the strength of farmers devastated by floods, riverbank erosion and Cyclone Arnab, or those farmers who have yet to receive compensation for their losses?

Amit Shah is dreaming of a third BJP government in Uttar Pradesh not on the strength of popular support, but through the misuse of the Enforcement Directorate (ED), the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), the police, bulldozer politics, the media and electoral bonds.

The BJP’s UCC gimmick is a conspiracy to divert public attention from the real issues confronting the people. The BJP’s proposed UCC is not a Uniform Civil Code; it is a Hindu Rashtra Code designed to advance its communal agenda.

We ask the BJP: Will the UCC bring down inflation? Will it provide jobs to the unemployed? Will it end corruption? The answer is no. By raising the UCC issue, the BJP merely seeks to manufacture Hindu-Muslim polarisation ahead of the 2027 elections.

The UCC: An Attack on India’s Diversity, Federalism and Democratic Rights

India is a country of immense diversity. Adivasi communities have their customary laws, religious minorities have their personal laws, and Dalits and backward communities possess constitutionally recognised special rights. The UCC implemented in Uttarakhand has also had to exclude Adivasi communities, highlighting the practical difficulties involved in imposing a uniform legal framework on diverse communities.

Article 44 of the Constitution is a Directive Principle of State Policy, not a Fundamental Right. Forcibly imposing the UCC would constitute an attack on the federal structure and the country’s pluralistic traditions.

Under the pretext of the UCC, minorities, their identities and rights, and women’s rights will come under attack. The UCC in Uttarakhand contains controversial provisions, including the registration of live-in relationships, which raise serious concerns regarding individual liberty and women’s autonomy.

Adivasis and Dalits, too, will be targeted. By undermining their customary rights, the way will be paved for corporate interests to gain control over their lands and resources.

Our Alternative: A Code of Justice, Not a Code of Hatred

The working people and oppressed sections of Uttar Pradesh—including women, the poor, workers and peasants—do not need a UCC based on hatred and communal polarisation. They need a code of justice that guarantees equality, dignity and material security.

We therefore put forward the following alternative demands:

1. A Uniform Education Code: One country, equal and quality education for all.

2. A Uniform Wage Code: A minimum monthly wage of ₹30,000.

3. A Uniform Healthcare Code: Free medical treatment for everyone.

4. A Uniform Justice Code: In accordance with the Allahabad High Court’s order in the PIL filed by Manoj Kumar Singh on 6 October 2025, all encroachments on government land by land mafias must be removed within 90 days.

Our final, decisive and unequivocal declaration is this: Amit Shah must understand that Uttar Pradesh is not Gujarat. The ideas of Jyotirao Phule, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, Bhagat Singh and Birsa Munda remain alive in this land. The BJP-RSS’s communal agenda, pursued in the name of the UCC, will not be allowed to prevail here.

We also wish to make our ideological position absolutely clear. We are not holding out the illusion of an abstract “government of the people.” Under the existing capitalist-parliamentary system, genuine people’s power cannot be established directly without a revolution. This is the political reality.

Therefore, our concrete and realistic objective for 2027 is to oust the fascist BJP-RSS forces from power and establish an alternative government in Uttar Pradesh comprising non-fascist, secular, democratic and Left-democratic forces.

Such a government must defend the Constitution, ensure food security and employment, and use the bulldozer against land mafias—not against people’s movements and those fighting for their rights.

A Mass Movement Against the Imposition of the UCC

If the BJP attempts to impose the UCC by force, the CPI (ML) Red Star will launch a statewide “Save the Constitution, Drive Out Hatred, Defend Food and Employment” march. It will also organise a “Save Diversity, Defend Federalism” convention and work towards building a broad unity of non-fascist forces ahead of the 2027 elections.

Our Slogans

Make Uttar Pradesh a Laboratory of Justice, Not a Laboratory of Hatred!

No Third BJP Government—Build a Government of Non-Fascist Forces!

Stop Communal Polarisation in the Name of the UCC!

Down with Fascism!

Long Live the Constitution!

Long Live Secularism!

Long Live the Unity of Workers, Peasants, Students, Youth and Women!

Long Live the Revolution!

With Revolutionary Greetings,

Comrade Kanhaiya
State Secretary
Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Red Star
Uttar Pradesh
Date: 31 October 2026
Mobile: 8542038185

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P J James

A Court in the Gandhinagar district of Gujarat has sentenced three Muslim persons to life imprisonment in a cow-slaughter case. The Court had no qualms to quote the scriptures from Manusmriti for delivering the judgement. And the deputy chief minister of the double engine government has hailed the judgement without any delay.

Of course, judicial orders quoting Manusmriti are not new. Courts in fascist double engine UP had already delivered similar judgements quoting Manusmriti. The Bahraich Sessions Court in December 2025 had quoted verses from the Manusmriti while delivering a verdict in connection with a case in October 2024, sentencing one person to death and nine others to life imprisonment. Recently, the Allahabad High Court has also cited Manusmriti while deciding a maintenance case.

Instead of strictly grounding in Indian laws and the Indian Constitution, this increasing trend on the part of Courts quoting Manusmriti should be seen as part of the intensifying saffronisation of judiciary in the broader context of maddening pace towards RSS-led Hindurashtra. For, shortly after the adoption of the Indian Constitution by the Constituent Assembly, in late 1949 and early 1950, the RSS through its publication ‘Organiser’ had proposed Manusmriti as India’s Constitution. In that sense, the Courts are only following what the RSS had proposed decades ago. Obviously, it is in the background of the Hindutva administrative structures already laid down by double engine regimes that Courts come forward to deliver such unconstitutional and archaic judgements.

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New Delhi | October 21, 2026

The All India Revolutionary Kisan Sabha (AIKKS) extends its full support to the call for an all-India struggle issued by the Samyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM) for October 23.

The AIKKS calls upon farmers, agricultural laborers, and the working people to actively participate in this struggle, which seeks to address key demands of workers and farmers—including the protection of voting rights, opposition to the SIR process, the repeal of the four Labour Codes, the revival of the MGNREGA scheme, and the enactment of a law guaranteeing a Minimum Support Price (MSP) for agricultural produce.

Let us strengthen the united struggle of farmers and workers to safeguard democratic rights, the livelihoods of farmers, and the rights of laborers. Let us ensure the success of the protests taking place across the country on October 23 at all levels.

B. Rudrayya
All India Revolutionary Kisan Sabha (AIKKS)

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Denial of the democratic right of Students’ Union is one among the multiple fascist offensives faced by Jamia Students today. Recently, especially in the context of the ongoing anti-Fascist resistance in Delhi, Jamia Students have also intensified their struggle for the restoration of the basic democratic right of the Students for Union, which has been denied to them for almost two decades. However, instead of accepting this genuine demand, the Administration of Jamia Millia Islamia, as part of implementing the fascist agenda in Education, is now unleashing police and paramilitary forces on the Students led by various student organisations including AIRSO. We resolutely condemn this repression of students.

Revealingly, along with police, fascist goons are also reportedly involved in the attack on struggling students, who are detained, suspended and even rusticated by the Administration. Women students are also subjected to harassment by security guards, police and goons in uniforms.

As such, while declaring solidarity with students, we also appeal to all democratic forces to come forward in support of the Union right of the Students, since depoliticising the Campuses is a fascist project today.

Vijay Kumar
On behalf of
CPI (ML) Red Star Delhi State Committee

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TUCI Central Committee Press Release

The Trade Union Centre of India (TUCI) Central Committee strongly condemns the SIR (Special Intensive Revision) process, which threatens the voting rights of ordinary people, particularly the poor, workers, migrant labourers and marginalised sections. We denounce the growing fascist attacks on democratic rights and demand the protection of every citizen’s constitutional right to vote.

The imposition of the four new Labour Codes is a direct attack on the hard-won rights of the Indian working class. These codes weaken labour protections, undermine collective bargaining and strengthen corporate control over workers. TUCI demands the repeal of the four Labour Codes and calls upon workers across the country to unite against corporate exploitation and the anti-worker policies of the government.

TUCI strongly condemns the reported denotification of Jantar Mantar as a site for democratic protest. Restricting a recognised space for peaceful demonstrations is an attack on the fundamental right to freedom of expression and assembly. The working class, students, youth, farmers and democratic organisations must resist every attempt to silence dissent and suppress people’s movements.

The TUCI Central Committee appeals to workers throughout the country to join the ongoing student and youth movements in defence of democratic rights, social justice and constitutional freedoms. Workers must come out onto the streets in large numbers to challenge corporate capital, resist fascist attacks and build a united people’s movement against exploitation, repression and fascist rule.

TUCI calls upon all Central Trade Unions to take the initiative in launching and spreading a countrywide united movement of workers, farmers, students and Oppressed, youth against SIR-related disenfranchisement, the four Labour Codes, restrictions on democratic protests and corporate-driven policies. The time has come to build broad working-class unity and collective resistance to defend the people’s vote, labour rights and democracy.

R. Manasayya
General Secretary
TUCI Central Committee
14-10-2026
New Delhi
www.tuci.in

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